KCK Eşbaşkanı Cemil Bayık geçtiğimiz haftaki açıklamasında “1 Eylül’e Türkçe’ den Mahmut Hamsici’ye bir röportaj vermiş ve 1 Eylül tarihini. Fotograflar İlker Akgüngör Türkiye ve Ortadoğuda kim PKK ile ortak Cemil Bayık ile söyleşi (30 Ocak )-Tam metin . O tarihten beri biz hep Kürt sorununun demokratik, siyasal yöntemle çözülmesinde ısrar ediyoruz. Cemil Bayık . 13 Ocak tarihinde Çınar, Diyarbakır’da PKK tarafından içerisinde polis lojmanları bulunan İlçe Emniyet Müdürlüğü’ne düzenlenen bombalı.
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Born inhe left for Ankara after completing his High School education, took the university entrance examination there and started to study physics at Ankara University. The text is of particular significance politically since it was published a few months before the Kurdistan Revolutionaries established their organization as a political party, in November There are several ways to answer that question. Democrats and revolutionaries in Turkey, laboring Turkish people, the HRK is fighting the barbarity which lays as a dark cloud over your life and over your future.
The core group members of the Kurdistan Revolutionaries and later the PKK were university students from low and lower-middle class backgrounds. From the outset we should be clear also about the limitations of this article: Nevertheless, these parties and the left as a whole had a common approach towards the Kurdish issue, which was to regard it as of secondary importance, subordinate to the struggle against capitalism and Western imperialism. The PKK is and has always been primarily a political organization, prompted to use violence in circumstances in which there was no alternative legally permitted avenue of genuine political expression Bozarslan On the other hand, it should be noted that the Kurdish movement in Turkey in general since the s has been influenced by the leftist movements of the period.
Though it has been argued that the PKK abandoned its original position, we would argue that the party creatively inverted the original Leninist thesis.
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It is not a matter of wishing success to the victim of aggression, but of sharing his fate; one must accompany him to his death or to victory. The main publication we have used for this study, however, has been a booklet commemorating the killing of Haki Karer in In practice, this was is an intense process of thinking, discussion, reflection and self -criticism, a kind of focused group study.
The closure was preceded by a police raid on the association, on December 4, at which students were arrested. In Northern Turkish Kurdistan they identified a process distinguished by three phases. The question is why the United States took this significant step and what it hopes to accomplish.
Reading PKK documents, one may distinguish between two objectives the movement had from its inception. That movement has the intention to unite [the divided revolutionary left in Turkey]. It was during this period that the thesis of Kurdistan as an international colony was born, as well as the idea of organizing the struggle in Kurdistan separately from that in Turkey.
Several soldiers and officers were killed and wounded. It is not necessary to make such a step; that step has already been made for you. Bozarslan, Hamit Violence in the Middle East: Following the death of Karer, the Antep branch of the Kurdistan Revolutionaries fell apart. Nationalisms and Politics in Turkey: We think such a study is of interest for those who want to understand the nature of the political struggle of the PKK.
This initiative was met with skepticism from other circles, in particular the cephecilerfollowers of the THKP-C, and the THKO, who were convinced that the formal establishment and registration of an association would in practice be nothing more than a surrender to the police.
Accordingly, therefore, a national-democratic revolution the Milli Demokratik Devrimor MDD thesis was necessary, one in which workers, peasants and progressive forces within the bourgeoisie needed to enter into an alliance.
The main leaders of the THKO were detained, condemned and sentenced to death. Karer was thus made the second person in rank in the organization and the only person in the movement who has ever reached that status. In this sense, U. He is described in the commemorative booklet as one of the leaders of the organization Serxwebun Is this how you expressed your dedication to the revolution? The position of the left generally on this issue is represented by publications on the Kurdish issue from Dev-Yol, also an off-spring of the THKP-C and the most influential organization in revolutionary politics during the period preceding the coup.
The movement [Kurdistan Revolutionaries] regained control again in Antep. Follow us RSS feed. In this speech, Che had lashed out at the left by saying:.
When we said that Kurdistan is a colony of Turkey, we had to prove it. Kemal Pir had managed to escape taribi the raid. The coup was followed pkl a new constitution, the most liberal Turkey had ever had, creating political opportunities for the public expression of leftist politics. Marlies Casier and Joost Jongerden eds. In this sense, the Americans desperately want to prevent the YPG from being branded as a terrorist organization by severing its ties from the PKK.
The suggestion that Kurdistan was a colony was in conflict with Marxist theory.
Cemil Bayık | SETA
Browse Index Authors Keywords. Let alone the obsession with numbers, we are reluctant to depict the struggle of the PKK as an ethnic struggle. The guerillas handed out leaflets in the coffeehouses and hung up banners with slogans and images of the martyrs of the liberation army. A clear political and theoretically rigorous line was lacking, with Kemalist nationalism — or social-chauvinism — in particular forming an obstacle to the progress of the left PKK ; PKK In the election, in which about delegates participated, representing ten times that number of students, eleven representatives were elected, and added to the official board of seven.
Work on the PKK, both popular and academic, tends to treat this organization and its political ideology and strategy as somewhat exceptional in the wider framework of Kurdish politics.
Instead, the time has ostensibly come for Washington to move to the next stage. Harihi is not faithfulness to the memory of Haki. Anti-feudal and anti-imperialist in character, this national-democratic revolution, the theory went, would be followed by a socialist revolution. In a certain sense, we might define this as a belated attempt.
Haki Cemjl and the making of a New Left. Finally, one could make the case that the Four-Nation Summit in Istanbul turned all eyes east of the Euphrates river where Turkey is determined to conduct a military operation against terrorist groups.
Muzaffer Erdost, another ideologue of the national-democratic revolution thesis, flirted with Turkish nationalism, arguing that it was imperialism which lost from the development of nationalism, and not socialism Lipovsky Haki Karer … was engaged in an intensive ideological struggle against social-chauvinism rarihi bourgeois-nationalism.